And to the analysis of Shields and Brooks…

David Brooks and Mark Shields
 
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JIM LEHRER: And to the analysis of Shields and Brooks, syndicated columnist Mark Shields, New York Times columnist David Brooks.

David, do you see something new and awful about this heat that erupted in the House of Representatives?

DAVID
BROOKS, Columnist, New York Times: It’s not new, but awful. It’s like a
Eugene O’Neill play. They’ve got all these submerged hatreds, and it
only takes a little fissure to open them all up. And that’s what
happened yesterday.

What was striking about what happened with
the ag bill was that, first of all, the parties couldn’t agree what was
in the bill, and then they couldn’t agree on how the vote went about
the bill. And then when they had this whatever happened, the bit of
chaos, and the versions you get depend entirely on what party you’re
talking to, immediately the hatred erupted.

And it’s the same
hatred that erupted when Tom DeLay and others held the vote open a
couple of years ago, and that hatred is still there. And I don’t think
the procedures of the House have changed that much. The majority party
has changed, but a lot of the strong-arm tactics are sort of the same.

JIM LEHRER: Hatred is a strong word to use. Do you agree with David, who uses that word?

MARK
SHIELDS, Syndicated Columnist: No, I disagree with David. I think there
was a crankiness, there is a crankiness in the House right now, this
tension.

JIM LEHRER: Crankiness, not hatred?

MARK SHIELDS:
Crankiness. No, it was cranky. They’re tired. They’ve worked long
hours, and I think they’re ready to get out of there. And I think the
profound difference between what happened last night and what happened
with Tom DeLay, keeping the Medicare bill open for three hours, the
vote on the floor for three hours in total violation of the House
rules, and twisting arms and making threats on the House floor, was
that both Steny Hoyer, the majority leader — I thought who handled it
very well — and Mike McNulty, who was in the chair, said, “I was
wrong. I made a mistake.” I mean, I didn’t hear that in the DeLay era.
That was entirely different. Now…

JIM LEHRER: But David’s point
is that, whether or not it was an honest mistake or not, that
underlying the surface here is tension, and much more than tension.

MARK
SHIELDS: Well, I don’t know — I mean, I thought John Boehner was quite
measured and quite restrained. Roy Blunt, the Republican whip, was
different. And I think there’s no question that, within the Republican
caucus, there are people who are unreconstructed, just as there are
people on the Democratic side who are unreconstructed in any dealing
with the other side.

And I think Roy Blunt was speaking to and
for them, whereas John Boehner, who’s a fierce partisan and a very
loyal Republican, you know, was trying to think how he could make the
house work.

DAVID BROOKS: Well, they both have Machiavellian
reasons to want to make the House appear less angry because the
approval ratings of the Congress as a whole, and the House in
particular, are sub-Cheney, and they’re pretty terrible. So they both
have an incentive to make it seem like they’re both doing their job.

And
the big thing that has changed — this has been a long, gradual change
— is that members of each party are much less likely to care what
people in the other party think of them personally than used to be. And
so they’re perfectly happy to shout, “Shame,” or to behave in shameful
ways toward people in the other party.


Mark Shields


Mark Shields

Syndicated Columnist
Let’s
be very blunt: The House reflects the country, and the country is riven
over the issue of Iraq. There’s a consensus that we want to get out,
and there’s no consensus on how.


Civility in Congress

JIM LEHRER: Does it matter?

MARK SHIELDS: Why, sure, it does matter.

JIM LEHRER: I mean, other than just…

MARK
SHIELDS: It matters because, you know, for one thing, I mean, we saw
the retirement announced this week of Ray LaHood. Ray LaHood is a
Republican from Peoria, Illinois, who served as Bob Michel’s chief of
staff, who was Republican leader, was an enormously civilized, genteel
man, who has friends on the other side of the aisle, and for whatever
reason is leaving.

And the quotient and quota of civility in that
institution has depleted seriously by people like David Skaggs, from
Colorado, who left, and Ray LaHood, both of whom organized a weekend
for families to overcome what David has described, that would get
along. They went away for one weekend, maybe even two, but then he
tried to rejuvenate it, and couldn’t get people to want to do it.

DAVID
BROOKS: I actually went to one of those weekends as a facilitator of
conversation. And there was — I tell the story — there was a woman in
the hallway weeping because, in one of the breakout sessions, she’d
been insulted so badly that she left the room weeping.

JIM LEHRER: A member of the House of Representatives?

DAVID
BROOKS: A spouse. And this was at the civility conference. And so
that’s a little of the atmosphere that was even carrying over.

JIM
LEHRER: Going to substance here now, Speaker Pelosi said in an
interview on the program last night that she was proud of the record of
the House of Representatives during this session. Does she have a right
to be proud? Should she be proud?

DAVID BROOKS: I don’t think in
particular. I think she’s done things to exercise her control over her
party, which looked unlikely when this started. I think she’s been an
effective speaker at organizing the Democrats, and this was a party
that seemed riven with Steny Hoyer on one side and her on the other. I
think she’s been effective in that.

In terms of passing
legislation, changing the way the House does business, reducing the
number of earmarks, that’s certainly not been a success. The number of
earmarks has shot upwards. And so I think substantively, it’s not been
a successful Congress, but politically she’s done well, and that’s what
she’s oriented to, 2008.

MARK SHIELDS: I agree with David. I
think she’s been a far more leader of the — effective leader of the
party than many people thought she was capable of being. I mean, she’s
cracked heads, and she’s kept the Democrats quite united.

Let’s
be very blunt: The House reflects the country, and the country is riven
over the issue of Iraq. There’s a consensus that we want to get out,
and there’s no consensus on how. And that’s exactly where the House is.
And they’ve had six separate votes on it. That drives the House; that
drives the entire ethos of the House, the entire atmosphere of the
House.

I think that — if you’re giving a grade, I’d say it’s an
incomplete, because, I mean, there are things like children’s health,
and the student loan reform, as well as the ethics reform I think that
are significant, and the energy bill — it will be tomorrow — that it
will be September, it will be October, but they will — I think they
will be done.


David Brooks


David Brooks

The New York Times
I
was out on the campaign trail with Republicans in New Hampshire, every
other question was about health insurance. This really is an issue in
even Republican circles.


Debate over children’s health bill

JIM
LEHRER: What do you think on — what is your view on the children’s
health bill, the SCHIP thing, David, which got a lot of heat? We’ve had
debates here on the NewsHour about it.

DAVID BROOKS: I confess
I don’t have an intelligent view on the substance. From first glance,
it looks like something is building on a successful program that would
extend health benefits to children. If you look at the members of the
Senate, the Republicans say who would be unlikely to vote for a
Democratic piece of legislation, I think 18 Republicans voted for it.
So you have to think the thing has some merit.

What strikes me,
interestingly, is the politics of it. Because on the one hand, I was
out on the campaign trail with Republicans in New Hampshire, every
other question was about health insurance. This really is an issue in
even Republican circles.

JIM LEHRER: You mean about no having it and worrying about not having…

DAVID
BROOKS: Exactly, one thing or another, whether it’s veterans or
something, it’s a big issue, let alone on the Democratic side. And so
that’s a big issue. On the other hand, spending restraint is also a
huge issue out there. And Democrats have been notably slow to pick
fights on spending versus not spending, for that reason.

JIM LEHRER: And the SCHIP issue has got both. It’s got health insurance. Also it’s got spending issue politically, right?

MARK SHIELDS: Hey, Jim…

JIM LEHRER: Oh, Mark.

MARK
SHIELDS: … there is no political defense from the White House’s
position on this. This is a Republican program passed in 1997. I mean,
Trent Lott, God bless him, the Republican whip in the Senate, talks
about this is socialized government-run medicine. This is what they’re
trying to push.

The last time I checked, every member of Congress
and their children is covered by a government-sponsored-and-paid-for
health program. I trust in a better conscience they’ll all renounce
this during the recess and go to private plans.

I mean, what are
we talking about? We’re talking about the children of the working poor.
I mean, somehow there’s a charge that the six deadbeats who are 5 years
old, these 6-year-olds want to get on and rip off the taxpayer? I mean,
I just can’t believe it.

They’re going to tax? Yes, they’re going
to tax cigarettes. I mean, unfortunately, cigarettes and the poor
people who smoke them have become a punching bag and a fiscal reservoir
for the country and for programs. But I don’t think the Republicans and
the White House — I mean, the Republicans talk openly about how they
can’t understand the White House’s political point on this.

DAVID
BROOKS: I think most Republicans would not accuse 6-year-olds of being
deadbeats. I don’t think quite that’s their argument. This is the
open-air argument of what’s going to be the biggest domestic argument
of the ’08 campaign, and the Republican position would be, not that
these people shouldn’t be covered, it’s going to be that we shouldn’t
do it in a nationalized way, a Britain-Canada style, and we shouldn’t
ramp up spending that we can’t pay for. And they’d say the cigarette
tax only pays for a tiny portion. There are other things that aren’t
paid for, so you’ve got to pay for it.

And so that’s going to be the argument. I’m not sure the argument is going to be over deadbeat 6-year-olds.


Mark Shields


Mark Shields

Syndicated Columnist
[W]hat
this does is it…ends the whole entertainment industry in Washington,
no tickets, no gifts, no entertainment, no dinners for lobbyists.


New ethics rules

JIM
LEHRER: OK, Mark, you mentioned the ethics legislation. Are things
really going to change that much because of what happened?

MARK SHIELDS: Sure, they are.

MARK
SHIELDS: First of all, Jim, according to the Heritage foundation, the
Republican think-tank, very respected, since 1996, Republicans members
of Congress have left the House, one out of two has become a registered
lobbyist. I mean, the explosion in K Street is just…

JIM LEHRER: K Street is a street in Washington where the lobbyists work and live.

MARK
SHIELDS: Lobbyists work, it’s just remarkable, OK? And the nexus
between lobbyists and money to campaigns — if David’s running, I’m a
lobbyist. What I do is I then collect money from my clients, from my
associates, and I then bundle that money and bring it to David, and
say, “Look, you know, I can only give you $2,300, but here’s $45,000.”

JIM LEHRER: And, by the way, I represent the…

MARK
SHIELDS: Exactly, and I want to have a continuing relationship with you
and your wonderful staff. And what this does is it exposes that, it
ends the whole entertainment industry in Washington, no tickets, no
gifts, no entertainment, no dinners for lobbyists. But the money thing
— for members and staff — extends to two years the time before a
member who leaves can now go out and lobby. And I just think — I
really think it makes an enormous difference. It’s going to be
disinfectant of sunlight. We’re going to know who’s bundling…

JIM LEHRER: They can still bundle, but they have explain it.

MARK SHIELDS: That’s right. That’s right.

JIM LEHRER: What do you think?

DAVID
BROOKS: I think it makes a difference for the reasons Mark talked to.
It’s going to be lonely for us at Nationals games, no lobbyists and
members of Congress floating around, a lot of beer and hot dogs for us.

MARK SHIELDS: You’ll get better seats.

DAVID
BROOKS: But the thing a lot of people wish had gone further — and this
is controversial — is, again, going back to the earmarks and the
transparency of the earmarks. A lot of people, like John McCain, think
that they should have gone further so that the earmarks, that you
couldn’t slip it in.

The Democrats claim they did go to some
extent. But I really think the earmarks are corrosive. And that’s what
the lobbyists really care about is, is getting those special provisions
slipped in. And until you cut away that, which is the root of all
evil…


David Brooks


David Brooks

The New York Times
[I]n
’94, there were 4,000 earmarks in the budget. Ten years later, there
were 14,000. And I think the Washington Post reported there were now
34,000. People love earmarks.

Impact on earmarks

JIM
LEHRER: And the new bill does not in any way ban earmarks. All it does
is say, “You’ve got to say who got the earmarks and why,” right?

MARK SHIELDS: And you have to certify that nobody connected with you is benefiting from it financially.

DAVID
BROOKS: Right, but there are loopholes about where it gets certified
and things like that that a lot of people are complaining about.

JIM LEHRER: So do you think it’s going to end earmarks, it’s going to…

DAVID
BROOKS: Oh, well, it certainly won’t end earmarks. Everybody loves
earmarks. I mean, I think, if I remember this correctly, when Gingrich
came to power in ’94, there were 4,000 earmarks in the budget. Ten
years later, there were 14,000. And I think the Washington Post
reported there were now 34,000. People love earmarks.

JIM LEHRER: Does the raid on Senator Stevens’ Alaska home, does that affect the ethics climate and passable legislation…

MARK
SHIELDS: It guaranteed Senate passage. I mean, if you’re a Republican,
you can’t say, “Oh, boy, this is political.” Here they are, the FBI,
going in and invading and examining the home of the senior Republican
senator. It absolutely guaranteed it.

And I think what we’re
seeing is that Alaska is, from top to bottom — the political
environment there is being examined and will be scrutinized.

JIM LEHRER: A climate change as a result of this?

DAVID
BROOKS: Yes. But, again, the Ted Stevens, what he did, whether he did
it or not, that’s not what the cause of all this lobby reform
legislation. It wasn’t the stuff that people were trying to hide that
caused this legislation. It was the stuff that was happening in the
open day on restaurants on K Street.

And so, you know, what he
did, may have done, may be illegal, but the stuff that was going on
every day is what we needed to address. And that’s what the legislation
was about.

JIM LEHRER: But I’m just thinking about whether or not
it’s tied directly to this. Does it have an indirect influence on the
way people…

DAVID BROOKS: Well, I think when you’ve got money
in freezers, houses being rebuilt, it all feeds in. Duke Cunningham,
we’ve had many cases of this.

JIM LEHRER: OK, David, Mark, thank you both very much.

Online NewsHour: Analysis | Republicans Walk Out on House | August 3, 2007 | PBS

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